Which Greek Islands Does Turkey Want? A Comprehensive Look at the Aegean Dispute

A lack of diplomacy exacerbates the latest dispute between Greece and Turkey over the islands in the Aegean.

In light of the most recent conflict between Greece and Turkey, attention is once again focused on the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean islands, where Greek and Turkish claims overlap.

The complexity of the issue under international law is now further exacerbated by a lack of diplomacy.

The two NATO allies are still in a dispute over islands in the Aegean Sea. In particular, Turkey rejects what it calls a “militarisation” of some islands by Greece.

Hasan Gogus, former Turkish ambassador to Greece and Austria, told Al Jazeera that Turkey’s stance is valid.

We disagree with Greece on a number of issues in the Aegean Sea, including the breadth of territorial seas, the demarcation of the continental shelf, the demilitarization of islands, and the extent of airspace. While all issues are interrelated, Greece only acknowledges the existence of the continental shelf dispute,” he said.

The majority of the Greek islands in the Aegean Sea, like Kastellorizo or Kos, are near the Turkish mainland. Those islands were given to Greece [under the 1947 Paris Peace Treaty] on the condition of demilitarisation. However, Greece violates this provision,” said Gogus.

In the meantime, Turkey is asserting claims that are not backed by international law or the status quo, according to Greek observers.

According to Sotirios Zartaloudis, an associate professor of comparative European politics at the University of Birmingham, “Greece considers the Aegean Sea a fundamental part of its territory given the thousands of islands and Greeks living there,” Al Jazeera

“Moreover, the Aegean Sea holds significant geopolitical and strategic value for Greece, serving as Europe’s southeast frontier to the Middle East in conjunction with the Black Sea,” the speaker stated.

The Lausanne (1923), Montreux (1936), and Paris (1947) treaties provide the legal foundations. The Lausanne and Paris treaties specify which island is part of which nation.

But the Lausanne Treaty was largely meant to be replaced by the Montreux Treaty, and Turkey has been basing its claims primarily on that treaty.

According to Dimitris Papadimitriou, a political science professor at the University of Manchester, Ankara’s interpretation thus creates a complex situation regarding sovereign rights in the East Aegean, he told Al Jazeera.

There is a great deal of legal ambiguity surrounding the Aegean islands’ “demilitarization,” and the parties involved interpret the treaties’ obligations in quite different ways. It is difficult to see how a bilateral negotiation to find a common language could be successful given the current atmosphere of mistrust,” he stated.

Tensions between Greece and Turkey over the Aegean Sea have simmered for decades, fueled by competing claims over maritime boundaries, airspace, and the status of various Greek islands

This article delves into the heart of the Aegean dispute, exploring Turkey’s claims and the complex history behind them.

Understanding the Aegean Dispute: A Historical Overview

The Aegean dispute has its roots in the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire’s collapse and the subsequent Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. While this treaty established Greece’s sovereignty over most Aegean islands, the status of certain islands remained ambiguous, particularly those located near the Turkish coast.

Turkey’s Claims: A Controversial Stance

Turkey’s central contention revolves around its rejection of the notion that islands can possess full Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs). This stance, significantly different from most other countries, challenges the established principles of international law enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Specifically, Turkey claims that:

  • Islands should not be entitled to full EEZs, but rather a reduced 12 nautical mile zone or none at all.
  • The Greek island of Kastellorizo, located near the Turkish mainland, should not have any EEZ.
  • Even large islands like Crete, the fifth largest in the Mediterranean, should not have an EEZ.

Turkey’s rationale for these claims rests on the following arguments:

  • Equity-based approach: Turkey argues that awarding islands full EEZs would disproportionately benefit Greece, given the numerous Greek islands in the Aegean.
  • Continental shelf coextensiveness: Turkey contends that EEZs should be coextensive with the continental shelf, based on the relative lengths of adjacent coastlines.

However, Turkey’s unique interpretation faces criticism:

  • Non-compliance with UNCLOS: Turkey’s stance contradicts the provisions of UNCLOS, which explicitly grants islands the right to EEZs and continental shelves.
  • Lack of international support: No other country shares Turkey’s interpretation, further isolating its position.

The “Blue Homeland” Concept: Fueling Tensions

In 2019, Turkey unveiled the “Blue Homeland” concept, a map depicting nearly half of the Aegean Sea and an area up to the eastern coast of Crete as belonging to Turkey. This irredentist and expansionist doctrine has further escalated tensions with Greece.

The “Blue Homeland” map:

  • Extends Turkey’s maritime claims up to the median line of the Aegean, encompassing Greek islands.
  • Disregards Greek territorial waters surrounding these islands.

Greece’s Response: Condemnation and Counterclaims

Greece has vehemently condemned Turkey’s claims and actions, emphasizing:

  • The legal basis for Greece’s sovereignty over its islands and their surrounding waters.
  • Turkey’s violation of international law and its disregard for the UNCLOS treaty.
  • Greece’s right to extend its territorial waters to 12 nautical miles, in line with international norms.

Greece has also taken countermeasures:

  • Engaging in diplomatic efforts to garner international support.
  • Strengthening its military presence in the Aegean.
  • Signing maritime agreements with other countries, such as Egypt and Italy, to counter Turkey’s claims.

The Impact of the Aegean Dispute: A Multifaceted Issue

The Aegean dispute has significant implications for both countries:

  • Strained bilateral relations: The dispute has cast a shadow over Greece-Turkey relations, hindering cooperation and dialogue.
  • Increased militarization: The dispute has led to a buildup of military forces in the Aegean, raising concerns about potential escalation.
  • Economic uncertainty: The dispute has created uncertainty for businesses and investors operating in the region.
  • Regional instability: The dispute has contributed to broader regional instability, particularly in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Resolving the Aegean dispute requires a multifaceted approach:

  • Dialogue and diplomacy: Both countries must engage in good-faith negotiations to find common ground.
  • Respect for international law: Adherence to UNCLOS and other relevant international legal frameworks is crucial.
  • Creative solutions: Exploring innovative solutions that address the concerns of both sides is essential.

The Aegean dispute remains a complex and sensitive issue. Finding a lasting solution requires a commitment to dialogue, compromise, and respect for international law.

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Brink of armed conflict

When tensions over energy resources in the eastern Mediterranean increased two years ago, the sides were on the verge of going to war. Since then, even diplomatic rapprochement seemed conceivable.

But after Greece’s Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis visited the US last month and urged Washington to reevaluate arms sales to Turkey, Ankara’s rhetoric significantly shifted.

An affront, in Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s view. The Turkish leader declared that until a “honest politician” appeared before him, he would not meet with the Greek side again.

Since then, the dispute has spiralled, including a large-scale Turkish military manoeuvre, which Erdogan attended. In fact, his appearance made global headlines when he indirectly threatened war.

Erdogan not only admonished Greece to “avoid dreams, statements, and actions that it would regret,” but also warned of “catastrophic consequences.”

“I’m not joking,” Erdogan said.

Despite the rhetoric from Ankara, Greece, thus far, has not yet ceased diplomatic efforts.

“The Greek government’s response was relatively muted, despite the general media discourse in Greece remaining very hostile towards Turkey,” Papadimitriou stated.

During last week’s summit of Southeast European nations, Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias emphasized that Greece would not participate in “insulting statements, illegal and inappropriate demands and accusations” that would further escalate the situation.

The Greek Foreign Ministry released 16 maps at the same time that were meant to show Turkish territorial claims from 1923 to the present and to show “the extent of Turkish revisionism.”

“Greek government officials continue to accuse Turkey that it suffers ‘delusions of imperialist grandeur’,” Papadimitriou said.

“Mitsotakis, when asked if he would meet again with President Erdogan, replied: ‘of course, I would. “This indicates that the Greek government is not seeking to completely close all lines of communication with Turkey, even though there is still a significant policy divide between the two nations,” he stated.

However, given Erdogan’s rhetoric, Athens will be even less inclined to demilitarise the islands.

“Greece argues that any military presence/equipment on the islands is there for training reasons and deterrence/defence. Additionally, Greece contends that until Turkey attacks Greece, any military presence on Greek islands is not directed towards or hostile to Turkey,” Zartaloudis stated.

Greece views the military presence as part of its right to self-defense, citing the numerous landing craft on Turkey’s west coast and the frequent Turkish fighter jet violations of Greek airspace.

The Greek government asserts that it is concerned about Turkey’s strong military presence close to its border and around its islands in the Aegean Sea, which it claims are home to a reserve expeditionary force. A compromise could be a mutually agreed de-escalation – unlikely in my opinion,” Zartaloudis said.

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